Beginning in 2014, the European Union saw an increased amount of migration coming from different parts of the world. The so-called “refugee crisis” began as a consequence of the continuous wars that were taking place specifically in the Middle East that led to a high volume of people being literally forced to migrate to other places in search for security at every level of their lives (Krzyżanowski et al., 2018). This wave of what effectively was forced migration changed the nomenclature that characterized people going abroad in these circumstances to “asylum seekers”, considering that they were fleeing their country not because they were choosing to, but because they were escaping from the torment of war and the consequential persecution taking place in these instances.
Besides the typical migration waves that were stemming from the Middle Eastern conflicts, the North African region was also one of the stages from where a substantial number of migrants were coming from (Popescu 2016). There have been some routes recorded as being often used by individuals searching for safe haven in Europe, from the Libya-Italy to the Turkey-Greece connections (Popescu 2016). These dynamics of moving from your country of origin where, “owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion” (Popescu 2016, (Article 1 A (2), Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951), and beginning a journey to Europe, passing by other states, has led to countries such as Morocco becoming harbourers of such individuals:
While Middle East and North Africa (MENA) states are predominantly considered to be countries of emigration, many are now also receivers of refugees and migrants (Kelsey 2016, p. 421).
In this context, the government in Morocco has been politically pressured to react properly to the number of migrants reaching their porous borders and to reform their migration policies (Kelsey 2016, pp. 421-423). Moreover, the wave of migrants arriving in Morocco is also a consequence of its neighbouring regions, specifically, of Ceuta – an autonomous Spanish exclave situated at one of the most Northern parts of the African continent and surrounded by Moroccan territory. This geographical specificity, coupled with Morocco’s proximity with Spain (which, by sea, from the closest point is about 14 kilometres) makes this North African state very appealing for people attempting to reach European soil. As such, for years now that there is an ongoing issue related to this dynamic taking place between the states. Within this context, this paper will approach this issue using the following structure: (1) an historical introduction to the locations in question and a contextualization of the current situation, and (2) policy recommendations for tackling this matter. By providing an historiographic illustration of the region, this essay intends to provide context-specific recommendations and a basis for further suggestions.
The history of Morocco, in parallel with most, is characterized by an intertwinement of civilizations. From the early Phoenician presence to the Roman Empire, this region was home to many different cultures. However, the influence of Arabic culture and Muslim religion in Morocco, specifically until the more modern years, was the most salient of all the many civilizations and cultures that went through the region. Leaping forward, during the 19th and 20th century, the North African region, due to its geostrategic location, was one of the many extra-European battlegrounds for hegemonic bids stemming from the European countries, specifically Spain and France. In fact, these two powers even went as far as to split the Moroccan region between two protectorates which were, more or less, internationally recognized. Nonetheless, even with the European mastery over Morocco, there were small-scale insurgencies happening in some specific locations. Furthermore, with the passage of time, closer to the beginning of the second half of the 20th century, some movements towards independency started gaining traction, following the worldwide trends of self-determination and nationalistic feelings. In parallel with other detrimental political shifts in Morocco’s leadership, the French and the Spanish eventually withdrew their protectorates, granting the country’s independence in 1956.
During the first years of independence, the country was, internally, tied up with autocratic and dictatorial leadership, and externally (depending on the connotation one provides), specifically in the Western Sahara region, embroiled in a dispute over territory with other states, such as Spain in an earlier stage, Algeria, and the Sahrawi Republic (a de facto sovereign state in Western Sahara) (Norman 2016). On top of this, considering the Spanish presence in the area and their sovereignty over Ceuta and Melillla, another issue that has constantly been attracting attention is the dynamic that takes place in these regions in the context of migration.
In respect of Ceuta – this autonomous Spanish exclave has been of high contention over the years. The sovereignty over this place has shifted between, more saliently, Portuguese, Spanish, and Moroccan hands, and it has been the reason for many confrontations, specifically concerning the latter two. Nowadays, this location is (almost unanimously) internationally recognized as being part of Spanish territory, with Morocco still disputing this assertion and vowing their claim over this land, and others, which currently are under Spanish control (such as Melilla). As previously portrayed, the geographical location where Ceuta is situated represents an attractive port to migrants coming from the African continent. The city is an integral part of the European Union, and this status provides it with a suis generis characteristic, considering that it still is part of Africa. As such, the security apparatus around Ceuta is highly developed and the borders touching Moroccan soil are thoroughly protected by high barbed-wire fences – making the separation between the states a material evidence. Nonetheless, even with a tight security system, there are constant waves of migrants attempting to cross the fences who intend to reach Spanish territory and having their humanitarian status there as asylum seekers.
In the context of the migration patterns that are taking place following the dynamic between Ceuta and Morocco, recently, these have changed and have substantially increased. The fact is that the tensions and the confrontations that are occurring in the Western Sahara region are one of the most salient issues that are making people decide to migrate north towards Ceuta and Melilla (Hedgecoe 2021; Knipp 2021). Furthermore, as previously explained, the individuals who are searching for a path towards the European Union are not solely from Morocco, but come from many other places, seeing the region as a bit more open in terms of their acceptance of migrants from other origins, as asserted by Norman while comparing the situation in Morocco to the one in Egypt in the context of migrants (2020, pp. 699-700):
While both can be classified as semi-authoritarian and both have a history of using repressive measures to quell opposition and contestation, the Moroccan regime has been more open and responsive than the Egyptian state to migrant and refugee mobilisation due primarily to the type of authoritarian governance in place. (…) [W]hile migrants and refugees in both countries face the constraints of authoritarian structures, they face qualitatively different strands: one that permits overt mobilisation to a degree (Morocco), and one that prohibits it (Egypt).
Taking this whole panorama in consideration, the possible policy recommendations that can be theorized for the context of Morocco and its relations with migration need to account for several variables. Following this idea, one thing that could be done internally, would be to improve and densify Morocco’s innovative 2014 migration policy. Indeed, “Morocco is the only country in MENA that has attempted to enact significant migration and asylum reform”, whether this is due to civil society lobbying, other internal and external (EU) pressures, or to fuel the government’s bid for mastery in the Western Sahara, it is a step towards something different (Norman 2016, p. 437; Jacobs 2019). Nonetheless, the application of the government’s measures in practice falls short of what they intended to, and the ongoing framework could benefit from changes such as: better embracement of other nationalities by expanding the language programs or the expansion of financial assistance for “cultural support programs” (Aldouri et al., 2018, p. 69).
On top of these more detailed measures that can be easily implemented within the (very shy) ongoing scheme, there are other changes that could be enacted and that would provide a greater benefit for the situation on the ground. The first one would be to de-centralize the decision making process in respect of the policies emanating from the government. This would mean providing local communities with more handling space to properly set up more context-specific policies for their local cases. Another one, more far-reaching manoeuvre would be to, in cooperation with the European Union and making use of its established policy infrastructures, devise what could be “long-term migration strategies that focus on both the root causes of the problem, rather than short-term and reactionary attempts to keep these human beings away from the Mediterranean” (Jacobs, 2019). This could have a twofold benefit, considering that Morocco would benefit from the EU’s tools and expertise, and the EU’s involvement could also help restoring its role in the continent (Knoll, 2016). Indeed, from the analysis of the situation in Morocco, and using other similar situations as past empirical experience, it is easily understandable that the situation on the ground can only my thoroughly mitigated by the application of long-term strategies that focus on root causes. Until this happens, every policy measure will only represent a small drop into the wider ocean of problems currently present in the region.
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By Mahmoud Refaat: The European Institute for International Law and International Relations.
Contribution Bernardo Nascimento, The European Institute for International Law and International Relations.
