The shifting agenda of world politics has led to a new reality of power, to what is called “soft power”, the concept that was first introduced in international relations by Nye (1990). Nye described soft power as an opposite to hard power that implies more aggressive forms including military actions from one country against another. Soft power in contrast, is based on the principle of intellectual, ideological influence and demonstrates a country ’s ability to influence other countries ’ behavior or as Nye descries, it is “the ability to shape what others want…getting others to want the outcomes you want” ( Nye 2004) without using hard or coercive power. In recent years, we’ve witnessed that state figures, politicians, experts started to turn their attention to soft or co-optive power and have considered soft power as important so as hard power. Compared to hard power, soft power is intangible, more context-based and because of its diversified sources, soft power is difficult to measure and control (Fan 2008).
Generally, Soft power, is not controlled by the government or a single organization, it could be produced in various sources owned even by non-state actors. However, recently, the super powers are following the state-owned soft power policies that advance the positions of a particular country at the international order. Countries like the USA, China, UK have a strong soft power instruments that could shape the international order, dictate the path in three categories: cultural, ideological, and institutional. These three categories allow a state to make its power seem legitimate in the eyes of others, and through this it will encounter less resistance to its wishes (Nye 2004). In the case of the U.S., soft power was demonstrated in liberal democratic politics, free market economics, and fundamental values such as human rights. The United States have led a drive to establish and enlarge international institutions that would support its new order, such as the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (Foreign Policy, The rise and fall of soft power 2018).
Following the Cold War, the United States started to invest billions in soft power, including the promotion of cultural exchanges, academic scholarships, arts, TV and radio stations launched to reshape the international system with the purpose of wining over former Communist States. Consequently, the world would change to accommodate America rather than America changing to accommodate the world. Alongside, The European Union followed the path of the US’s soft power strategy and it should be noted, that the EU’s economic well-being was reliant on the U.S.-led global economic order for a long period. However, nowadays, the new shifts in paradigm and the rise of China have counterbalanced the hegemonic power of the US but what should it be promising?
The rise of China’s soft power
China has been among the world’s fastest-growing economies, with real annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaging 9.5% in 2018, a pace described by the World Bank as “the fastest sustained expansion by a major economy in history.” Such growth has enabled China, on average, to double its GDP every eight years and helped raise an estimated 800 million people out of poverty (The World Bank in China). China has become the world’s largest economy, manufacturer, merchandise trader, and holder of foreign exchange reserves. The accession of China to the World Trade Organization (WTO) marks an important milestone along the reform path China has been following for more than twenty years, rather than a new direction. China has been liberalizing its international trade and investment policies since the mid-1980s and is now as open as some present WTO members (OECD Ed. 2003).
Apart from economic rise, China has placed special emphasis on the soft-power aspects of its engagement with the West, seeking to be accepted as a nonthreatening, constructive, and reliable power, and a responsible stakeholder in the international system. It can be observed that the Chinese government has made great efforts to promote its soft power in the West, launching on numerous soft power initiatives. These efforts include holding large-scale events of cultural exchanges (art, literature, music, film, historical relic, performances, and so on), investing a large amount of financial resources in various schemes to cultivate a better national image, enhancing media outreach aimed at the Western public, and establishing Confucius Institutes throughout Europe and North America. The Chinese government has signed formal agreements with Western countries that help integrate Chinese language teaching into their public schools’ curriculum. The Chinese Scholarship Council oversees a wide range of educational activities worldwide, awarding generous scholarships to Western students for study in China, also sponsoring educational exchange programmes (Chen 2016).
Attractive traditional culture, Confucian values of social harmony, ritual and compassionate rule is part of China’s branding at international level. China’s values, lifestyles are attracting others to China to seek for it. In recent years, China has also created several hundred Confucius Institutes around the world to teach its language and culture (BBC 2019 “Confucius Institutes: The growth of China’s controversial cultural branch”). According to Human Rights Watch “Confucius Institutes are extensions of the Chinese government that censor certain topics and perspectives in course materials on political grounds, and use hiring practices that take political loyalty into consideration” (Human Rights Watch 2018).
The Chinese government is striving for what is called “the Chinese Dream”, engaged in constructing socialism with Chinese characteristics. The core socialist values embrace patriotism, collectivism, prosperity, democracy, and harmony; freedom, equality, justice, and the rule of law; dedication, integrity, and friendship (Miao 2020). These values have indeed the potential to develop into a consistent and persuasive universalism. Meanwhile, China has also adjusted its diplomacy. Later, it has joined the World Trade Organization, contributed more than 3000 troops to serve in UN peacekeeping operations, become more helpful on non-proliferation diplomacy and joined a variety of regional organizations, of which the East Asian summit is only the latest example. This new diplomacy helped to reduce fears, and to engage in balancing cooperation with the allies (Institute for Security and Development Policy 2018).
Moreover, China has managed to create a positive image in developing countries through soft power instruments not only in south-east Asia, but also in Africa and Latin America ( Nye 2005). For example, the ‘ Beijing Consensus ’ or the Chinese Economic Model is seen by many developing countries as a viable alternative to the western model. Many Africans see China’s economic engagement in their countries as more pragmatic and in line with African priorities for the continent. China’s often expressed respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and its policy of noninterference resonate for obvious reasons with many African leaders (Cooke 2009). It is important to note, however, that the influence and good relationships China has enjoyed in Africa are not the result of China ’ s charm and friendship policies per se, but the result of four decades investment by the Chinese government to cultivate such good will, that is, investment in reputational capital, through an intended strategy to build relations through aid, trade, medical teams and education programmes since the 1960s ( Pan 2006 ).
The rise of China’s soft power is promising new trends and changes in political calculus that might have significant effects on the nature of power balance worldwide. The authoritarian nature of Chinese political system does presuppose dangerous developments at global level. The Chinese socialist values transmitted through the soft power is meant to build a block of alliance that could dictate the agenda at international level.
References
Bell, D. A. (2009). War, Peace, and China’s Soft Power: A Confucian Approach. Diogenes, 56(1), 26–40. doi:10.1177/0392192109102153
BBC (2019) Confucius Institutes: The growth of China’s controversial cultural branch, accessed 1 July 2021 <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-49511231>.
Chen, Q. (2016). China’s soft power policies and strategies: The cultural activist state. Special Issue ‘Cultural Economies and Cultural Activism, 1, 1-13, accessed 1 July 2021 <https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/law/elj/lgd/2016-1/chen_finalfinal.pdf>.
Cooke, J. G. (2009) China’s soft power in Africa. Chinese soft power and its implications for the United States: competition and cooperation in the developing world, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, DC, 27-44, accessed 1 July 2021 <https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fspublic/legacy_files/files/media/csis/pubs/090310_chinesesoftpower__chap3.pdf>.
Fan, Y. (2008). Soft power: Power of attraction or confusion? Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 4(2), 147–158. doi:10.1057/pb.2008.4
Foreign Policy, “The rise and fall of soft power” (2018), accessed 1 July 2021 <https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/08/20/the-rise-and-fall-of-soft-power>.
Human Rights Watch (2018), accessed 1 July 2021 <https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/china-and-tibet#>.
Ikenberry, G. J., & Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. Foreign Affairs, 83(3), 136. doi:10.2307/20033985
Institute for Security and Development Policy (2018), “China’s role in UN Peacekeeping”, accessed 1 July 2021 < https://doi.org/10.1177/1868102620981963>.
Nye, J.S, (2021) Soft power: the evolution of a concept, Journal of Political Power, 14:1, 196-208, DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2021.1879572
Nye JR, J.S., (2008). Public diplomacy and soft power. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616(1), pp. 94-109.
Nye JR, J.S., (2004). Soft power: The means to success in world politics. Public affairs
OECD (Ed.). (2003). China in the World Economy: An OECD Economic and Statistical Survey (Vol. 1). Kogan Page Publishers, accessed 1 July 2021 <https://www.oecd.org/pensions/insurance/2075272.pdf>.
The World Bank in China, accessed 1 July 2021 <https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/china/overview>.
By Mahmoud Refaat: The European Institute for International Law and International Relations.
